Lahore will have its own ‘Disneyland’ – a recent news item that does not carry significance as far as headlines are concerned, but does carry a ton of significance otherwise. As things stand currently, only a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) has been signed between the Punjab government and the Chinese company. While a MoU has no legal value, it does point a finger towards Shahbaz Sharif’s priorities. Coming from an industrialist background, his focus towards capitalism is unquestionable. From investing in infrastructure to handing out laptops, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) government is a big proponent of liberal economic policies, despite being a conservative party otherwise. But where does all this investment in infrastructure leave the working class of Punjab? Southern Punjab has one of the worst poverty levels in the country. According to a survey by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) published last year, the city of Rajanpur, for example, has a staggering 44 per cent households living below the poverty line. The people living below the line in other southern districts respectively comprise 40 per cent in Muzaffargarh, 36 per cent in DG Khan, 33 per cent in Bahawalpur, 31 per cent in Layyah and Lodhran, 31 per cent in Pakpattan, and 28 per cent in Multan, Khanewal and Bhakkar districts. These are figures that stand out in the ugliest of manners. What is even more alarming is the fact that these numbers conceal the reality that large numbers of people hover just above the poverty line and are in constant danger of destitution. But this is not the end of it. Dozens of factory workers lost their lives in Sundar Industrial Estate and Burki Hudiara this month. This on top of the other cases of injuries and deaths in industrial facilities that are shoved under the carpet, portray an extremely grim picture for the strongest provincial government in the country. It is a reminder of how Shahbaz and the PML-N’s provincial machinery is custom built to suit the ruling elite and big business as the working class suffers one breakdown after the other. Wouldn’t it be good if Shahbaz directs the abundance of funds at his disposal towards social services that make a material change in the lives of people? Instead of investing in Disneyland, why not invest in social housing? Instead of investing in roads, why not invest in education that is not only financially accessible to the poor but is also of the highest quality? Instead of investing in transit, why not invest in providing employment that does not depend on temporary terms? Instead of investing in tons of other infrastructural gimmicks, why not invest in high-quality health services? Instead of pleasing the ruling elite and his fellow capitalist cronies, why not do something for people who go through every day not knowing if they will have food and shelter the next day? Instead of doing something for the one per cent, why not do something for the 99 per cent? Because infrastructural gimmicks work from a vote-hunting perspective, and social services that elevate the poverty stricken class do not. The proposed investment in Lahore’s Disneyland or its equivalent further strengthens Shahbaz’s capitalist leaning. But this is not the first time he is doing this, and this is not the last time either. Not only is he ruining Lahore’s aesthetic value courtesy of these infrastructural flings, he is alienating the working class of the city, and more specifically the rest of Punjab, in the worst possible manner. Perhaps Shahbaz needs to take a stroll down to the slums in Punjab and ask people if investing in Lahore’s Disneyland will make their lives better. The answer might surprise him.

Owing to the fast-paced nature of the world and domestic economic strains, women are no longer confined to the domestic sphere but are seen venturing out into the public. While some say women are taking back the wheel, it can be argued that it is not reclamation that is taking place but for once, it’s an assertion of the female right to belong in the streets. The ‘Women on Wheels’ (WoW) rally is a perfect example of this. On January 10, 2016, 150 women took a huge step. They swerved onto the streets of Lahore on motorcycles after training with a collaborative team from the Special Monitoring Unit on Law and Order (SMU) and City Traffic Police. The two departments had worked together to train these females at Thokar Niaz Baig. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="594"] Photo: AFP[/caption] The involvement of noted activists such as Austrian Ambassador Brigitta Blaha and prominent lawyer Asma Jahangir captured both media and public attention. Danish Ambassador Helen Neilson, American Consul General in Lahore Zachary Harkenrider, UN Women Country Representative Jamshed Qazi, prominent motorcyclist from Singapore Juvena Huang, Provincial Minister for Population Welfare Zakia Shahnawaz, Minister for Women Development Hameeda Waheeduddin and SMU’s Salman Sufi were also among those present at the event. The Pink Scooters program was announced over a year ago with the intention of being implemented by the next budget. Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif announced that 1,000 pink scooters would be given to working women and students at a 50 per cent subsidised rate under the WoW project. Focusing on women under 40, it aims to train the next generation of females with the mobility to partake in national development efforts and become more conducive members of the economy. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="600"] Photo: AFP[/caption] This is, however, not the first attempt to increase female mobility in Punjab. Interestingly, Punjab has seen an unlikely feminist rise up and challenge society’s norms – Shahbaz Sharif. The chief minister should be commended for being a front runner in this aspect with both the Pink Bus Service and the Pink Rickshaw Scheme. Although the Pink Bus Service never made it past its three-month pilot period, it represented an attempt in challenging the private-public gendered divide by providing an entire bus for the female population rather than just one small portion. The Pink Rickshaw Scheme, launched by the Environment Protection Fund, furthered the movement as it was meant to provide rickshaws to female drivers at instalments in order to provide women with a safer option for themselves and their families. These measures, along with the WoW rally, depict that a shift towards female mobility is in place. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="533"] Photo: Ayesha Mir/Express[/caption] [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="533"] Photo: File[/caption] However, there are still those who question it and have spoken against the endeavour, saying that women should not be seen driving scooters. They are arguing that attempts should be made to increase opportunities in areas of low literacy so that females do not have the need to travel far. These arguments are flawed because they are built upon society’s archaic gender roles. Why must female mobility be limited to her domestic vicinity? Why do women have to be tied down to their household bounds? Projects such as WoW legitimise a female’s presence in the public space and decrease her reliance on the male figure. Women shouldn’t have to depend on their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons to be able to move around in the city. The right to free movement, for now, has only been awarded to men. Things, however, have started to change. The strong support for the rally is definitely a positive sign. While I am absolutely in awe of the progress that this initiative has made in moulding public opinion and opening up our roads and streets to women, I can’t help but worry that this event might only be celebrated for its singular and collective nature. It’s easier to applaud 150 women out on the roads with dignitaries and media personnel. What will the roads be like for a single woman out on a motorcycle? Will she get heckled and harassed? Or have we truly moved past our prejudiced, gendered notions of movement? I, sincerely, hope that we have. I hope that there will be a time when a woman riding a motorcycle would not be met with jeers, taunts and disapproval, but a cursory glance and a shrug in acceptance.

In late 2012, a man familiar with the domestic property market had asked me if anyone would do an expose on “the DHA scam”. Curious about what he was referring to, I asked for more details. He said General (retd) Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s brother Kamran Kayani – also a retired officer – was scamming DHA Lahore out of money through an unfulfilled contract. Instead of putting a stop to it, DHA had given him a fresh deal in Islamabad. Still confused, I asked for more information. He essentially described the residential ‘non-development’ DHA valley, which is among the subjects of the current National Accountability Bureau (NAB) investigation into Kayani’s brother. Although his facts were not completely correct, he ignited a curiosity that was impossible to extinguish. The conversation reminded me of former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s son Arsalan Iftikhar, who, justly or unjustly, saw a staggering increase in his wealth and standard of living during the same era – all under his father’s nose. I gathered that either the senior Chaudhry knew about it and turned a blind eye, or he didn’t know what was going on in his own house; neither of which gave strength to his legacy as a judge of character. The man suggested that Kamran Kayani should not have been allowed to negotiate the second deal if the first had gone sour, but the fact that he had a powerful brother may have played a factor in the decision.

“So, why wasn’t this being looked into?” I asked. “Who would step on the army chief’s toes?” he replied.

Three years is not much time in which to learn about a society as diverse, complex, and fascinating as Pakistan. However, for foreign diplomats, it is a fairly long tour. As I leave, I wanted to share with the Express Tribune readers what I hope will be an interesting and unique perspective on this great country; on some of the things that we, in the American government, have done with our Pakistani partners; and, of some of the things I have most appreciated during my time here. 1. Viewing Mughal Architecture I have lived in India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan off and on since 1999, and I have always been impressed by the symmetry, the beauty, and the science of Mughal architecture. Lahore and Punjab boast so many examples of 16^th and 17^th century architectural excellence that it is like a giant museum, open for the edification of all comers. Walled City Authority, the Agha Khan Cultural Service Pakistan, and the Punjab Department of Archaeology are doing an exceptional job of restoring and interpreting these treasures. In the future, I hope that more Americans and westerners will come here and have the chance to see what I have seen. 2. The Lahore Literary Festival (LLF) This is one of the most positive things I’ve had the privilege to be associated with in my time in Pakistan, and I’m pleased that the US Consulate gives a grant each year to support the LLF. I’m impressed by the size and diversity of the crowds there. Clearly, this is an institution that Lahoris of all ages and walks of life embrace. In a very unique way, the festival sends a very positive message about Pakistan to the broader world, helping to advance the country’s image overseas. 3. Visiting Muzaffargarh with Chief Minister Sharif Over the last several years, US assistance has helped Pakistan address one of its greatest challenges – the shortage of electricity. We have added 2,300MW of new capacity to the grid; helped save 212MW more through conservation; and, helped the distribution companies to reduce losses and gain revenues worth $429 million. Much of that 2,300MWs comes from existing power plants where we have restored machinery and capacity back to previous levels. In Muzaffargarh, we added back 480MW. I was pleased to share our progress with CM Sharif, who has shown such strong and committed leadership in the energy sector. We both attended the reopening of a power plant in Muzaffargarh, which added back 480MW. 4. Admiring Pakistan’s rich cultural heritage Given Pakistan’s many architectural treasures, I’m pleased that the United States is doing its part to support their restoration and interpretation. We have completed 11 cultural preservation activities in Punjab alone, ranging from the shrine of Hazrat Sakhi Sarwar near Dera Ghazi Khan to the Lahore Fort’s Alamgiri Gate, to the Sunehri Masjid in Lahore. Currently, we are supporting the restoration of the Wazir Khan Mosque façade and Chowk in Lahore’s walled city. I had the chance to visit the site with our partners at the Agha Khan Cultural Service Pakistan. 5. Seeing the dynamism of Pakistani industry It’s not just Pakistan’s ancient past, but its future that I find so inspiring. When I visited Dr Umar Saif (Chairman of the Punjab Information Technology Board and Vice Chancellor of the Information Technology University in Lahore) and met the young professionals at the Plan 9 incubator and Plan X accelerator, I got to see first-hand how young Pakistani tech professionals are growing a world-class Information, Communication and Technology (ICT) sector right here in Punjab. Their ideas were practical, marketable, and scalable, and they attested to the great creativity and talent of Pakistan. We are doing our part to support this excellence – organising a reverse trade delegation on ICT to Silicon Valley and Washington last year; funding an entrepreneurship and ICT-focused exchange program that introduced young innovators from Lahore to Austin, Texas’s tech scene; and, locating Lahore’s first American satellite cultural centre (or “Lincoln Corner”) at ITU. 6. The intellectual rigour and engagement of Pakistani students  Some of the most genuine fun I had had come when I interacted with students. I was invariably impressed by the calibre of their questions, whether on American history, constitutionalism, or politics. We are working to build more bridges between students and America through “Lincoln Corners” (small American cultural centres) at universities in Sargodha, Multan, Bahawalpur, Faisalabad, and Lahore; through the Lahore office of the United States Educational Foundation (USEFP) in Pakistan; and, through university partnership and exchange programs that bring thousands of students together with American counterparts every year. 7. Appreciating the beauty of Multani pottery Another treasure that Pakistan can share with the world is its pottery. It was my privilege to witness its production first hand at the shop of a true master of the art, Ustad Alam, outside Multan city. It was good to see that such artisans, and Punjab’s vocational training entity, TEVTA, are keeping this art alive for the enjoyment of subsequent generations. 8. The rich history of Multani tombs On my first trip to South Asia in 1999, I visited one of its most venerable and powerful Sufi shrines – the Dargah of Moinuddin Chisti in Ajmer, India. I felt the power of that shrine very clearly. I have felt the same thing at the shrines and tombs of saints that I have visited here, from Pakpattan Sharif to Hazrat Datta Ganj Baksh, to the ancestral tombs of Multan that Yousaf Raza Gilani and Shah Mahmood Qureshi so generously showed to Ambassador Olson and myself. These are powerful centres of faith and culture, and it was an honour for me to visit them. 9. Witnessing the great role American investment is playing in Pakistan’s future We are not only Pakistan’s second-largest export market; American companies have created roughly 60,000 jobs across Pakistan with major investments in a variety of sectors, including consumer goods and food services. I took my turn making ice-cream at Cold Stone Creamery in Lahore, a particularly delicious example of how American investment is offering great options to Pakistani consumers and employment opportunities for young workers who are pursuing their education. Overall, US companies have invested $1.3 billion dollars in the Pakistani economy in the last seven years, and General Electric will soon introduce the world’s most advanced and efficient turbine generators to power Pakistan’s future. 10. The people I have made some great friends, and been the recipient of much generous hospitality during my years here in Pakistan. From political and business leaders to students and colleagues, people made me feel welcome and conveyed an appreciation for the US-Pakistan relationship, even in the face of disagreements on certain issues. Pakistanis boast an ingenuity, a work ethic, an entrepreneurial ethos, and a resiliency in the face of challenges that augur well for the future of this country. I would like to serve here again someday; even travel here as a tourist. Pakistan is a land of under-appreciated success stories. Obscured from view by the challenges of the moment, they nevertheless give me confidence that this country, based on its strengths, can realistically become one of the next global economic success stories. All photos: Zachary V. Harkenrider

Dear God, I have a serious complaint to make. You must know… but of course you do… that there are now T-shirts out there with that man Raheel’s picture on them. God, this is too much! I am the PM not he! Why have you allowed this to happen?? Please God, remember that I am still weak although I don’t look it, because I have just had a very big operation and although many people don’t believe it (they say I went to my London apartment in Mayfair… how delicious that sounds… just to hide when that stupid Panama information leaked out but you know I didn’t, it was just lucky timing), if anyone needs proof, I can show them where they cut my chest open and did things to my heart like how it was done before Shab-e-Mairaj, and no I’m not trying to go that route, I leave that to Mr Improper Khan, and to that Tahirul Dharni who is back again, and that quack na- Liaquat. Look, I try as hard as that Raheel man but I can’t help it if I don’t have a smart uniform and if my public image creating bunch is not as good as his ISPR… but T-shirts! What about me, God, where’s my T-shirt? That’s my electorate out there that will be wearing his shirt! We made all those trains and roads and bridges and I just said goodbye to the IMF so impressively. Did nobody read or hear what IMF’s Harald Thumb, sorry Finger, said about Pakistan’s economy doing well? Finger said (really, these goras have the strangest names) he was satisfied, that we have lots of construction activity and a good private sector credit growth, and more investment because of the Chinese corridor. I want to mention other good things he said too, but the bijli has just gone so I can’t read this list. I will read it and tell you when I get home because the bijli never goes in my house, and in Shahbaz’s house, and the houses of my colleagues and friends. But of course you know all that, God. You know everything. So you also know about my government computerised NADRA, and we can now check to see if we have any strange people in our family tree. Many people called NADRA to say they had many strange people in their family and asked NADRA to help get rid of them but NADRA had to tell them they were talking about illegal people and terrorists, and those sorts of strange people, not their in-laws. See what we have to deal with? If I was like that Raheel man and his colleagues, I would settle everything with a gun but we don’t settle things that way, we settle for not settling them at all. Anyway, why use guns when you can use money? And cunnactions? Guns are so passé. Ha. I learnt that word from Tehmina. Maybe she used it in one of her books. They say her last one about silly things in sorrow times or something like that was awful, so maybe one of her other books? Anyway, she told me that word and I memorised it. Passé. I like that word. It means ‘purani baat’(old news). Like Zardari sahib, yaar woh passé ho gaye hain (Man he’s become so passé). Hehe. Or like recently when someone asked me about the Panama foolishness as I stood at the podium, I waved my hand (which has dimples on the knuckles, seriously, they’re so cute) and said carelessly: That’s so passé. Let’s talk about the PCEC instead, the Pak-Chinese corridor thing, one of my many achievements. That was so definitive, and I tried dropping the mike after that like Obama did but my bodyguard, who’s always trying to get on camera, caught it before it hit the floor, the idiot. And now August 14th is coming up and I have a speech to deliver, a nice one that begins with ‘meray aziz hum watnon,’ (my fellow citizens) but I have to think of what to say after that. I can’t talk much about Kashmir except promise a resolution and say Kashmir will come to Pakistan, whoop, whoop, although really they don’t want to be part of Pakistan (don’t say ‘who would?’) as much as they don’t want to be part of India. Also now that Singh fellow and our Chaudhry had those words at the SAARC meeting and Singh stormed out. If he’d stayed and tried some of our biryani he would have said,

‘Take Kashmir, just give me this recipe’, but he left without having lunch.

‘Meray aziz hum watnon, I WANT A T-SHIRT TOO!’

‘Panama Papers leak should not be used to introduce a ‘parallel system’ in the country,’ a useful thing to say, if only she had not added that she was one of my fiercest critics.

With state-of-the-art bus stops, multiple lane roads suitable for the most developed countries and educated traffic police to remind one to put on a seatbelt, the chief minister has done well to clean up the most metropolitan city in the country—Karachi. Suddenly, the daydream is broken with an ear-piercing horn from behind. The traffic light turns green, or at least appears to be, as the cars in front start inching forward. To be honest, it’s difficult to see through the cloud of smoke emitted by the Lal-Kothi-bound bus. As one throws the car into drive and honks at the stationary Flintstone mobile in front, I realise that my daydream is nothing more than a pipedream. People averse to change will love a city like Karachi. They’ll be glad to know that the same khadda or ditch can still be found at the same place it was a decade ago. Just in case you are also against development, the Pakistani metropolis is again the place to be. After all, the only growth that has taken place in some areas, apart from the rate of street crime, is the size of the khaddas. But that’s not to say they are totally useless. They are a multitude of applications they can be used for. Since I live in an area that is quite confusing to navigate, I use them to usher in a lost friend.

“Take a left after the third big ditch,” usually gets them there.

This summer, I had the chance to pay a short visit to Karachi – a city I’ve never had the opportunity to visit before. Soon after landing and taking a cab to the hotel, we started hearing stories of locals out and about in the city. This aged driver, who drove us to our hotel, told us how, for the last few months, Karachi has been a lot more peaceful because of the Rangers’ operation. He also said,

“This operation should be extended to the entire province to ensure complete implementation of law and order.”

“Before, things used to be so bad that we would not even take out our cell phones, when we were out on the roads, out of fear that they’d be snatched. Now, it’s a lot safer.”

“Come to Karachi and you’ll start loving the Sharifs (for all the development they have done in Lahore)!”

After continuous hype and controversy, Punjab Chief Minister Shehbaz Sharif has finally given the go-ahead to hosting the Pakistan Super League (PSL) final in Lahore on March 5^th. Following the announcement, many international players have decided not to participate if their team reaches the final. Adding to that, the famous panel of international commentators headed by the likes of Danny Morrison and Ian Bishop are also not traveling to Pakistan with the rest of the crew. So the real question that still remains unanswered is, is hosting the final in Lahore really worth it? Here are three reasons why the decision of hosting the PSL final in Pakistan could backfire big time: 1. PSL broadcasting company pulls out of final Following the footsteps of international players and commentators, the UK-based broadcasting company, Sunset and Vine has annulled their contract with the PSL and have refused to participate in the final. Adding to that, firms that were hired to facilitate hawk-eye technology and spider-cam have also decided to not partake in the event. The final will be broadcasted without the use of such technology with there being a strong likelihood of a drone camera being used instead of the spider-cam. As emergency replacement, the Dubai-based Innovative Production Group will take over the broadcast production of the PSL final. One of the most attractive features of the PSL was the graphics and the impressive use of technology, courtesy of Sunset and Vine. After their withdrawal, however, we may not witness the same crisp quality with different camera angles that we have been used to seeing since the start of the league. 2. Unequal competition The withdrawal of key international players means that the final may prove to be a lacklustre one considering the quality of players leaving their franchises. Supposedly, if the Karachi Kings and Peshawar Zalmi reach the final, Karachi’s international players including the likes of Chris Gayle, Kumar Sangakkara and Mahela Jayawardene have already refused to play, along with Quetta Gladiators’ foreign players Kevin Pietersen, Luke Wright, and Tymal Mills. Hence, if Zalmi players like Darren Sammy and Chris Jordan decide to come and play, Zalmi is likely to have an upper hand. There is also a belief that Najam Sethi should consider recruiting local players. Although the idea is worth giving a second thought to, the element of excitement and thrill that the international players brought to the field may well be gone. 3. Evident security threats Even though the Punjab government has given the green signal to host the final in Lahore, there is still a huge risk owing to the deteriorating security conditions of Lahore. Having been under attack twice in a week recently, the city is in danger of having been attacked once again. Furthermore, it is justified for players like Sangakkara and Jayawardene to not participate in the final as the two players were present in the team bus in Lahore when it was attacked eight years ago. Not being too sceptical here, but if (God Forbid, and I hope I am wrong) something happens to the fans or the players, we can say goodbye to the hopes and dreams of getting international cricket back to Pakistan once and for all. Backing the claim of many like me, former World Cup winning captain turned politician, Imran Khan said in a recent statement that thinking of hosting the PSL final in Lahore is “madness”.

“God forbid, if any blast takes place in Lahore, there will be no cricket in Pakistan in the next 10 years. This is madness considering the situation here. In my view, it is a terrible idea. We want to hold this match by calling in army and blocking roads and there will be high security. This will not send a good message.”

“What’s the point of holding the PSL final in Lahore? It isn’t even an international match.”

The aftermath of the Bahawalpur tragedy is a harrowing tale of gross incompetence and disregard for human life. Before this, little emphasis has been placed on how the massive loss of life could have been avoided. For instance, Army helicopters had to be called in for transporting the burn victims to the hospital since the rescue services didn’t own one. But here’s a little fact – just three months ago, a Rs2.25 billion Russian helicopter was bought by Shehbaz Sharif for personal use. The question that should be asked here is, whether it was bought with public funds that could have been utilised elsewhere. Numerous lives could have been saved and the death toll reduced if a decent medical facility with a burn unit existed nearby. Despite the urgent need for better medical facilities, the Sharifs have diverted a large chunk of funds, originally allocated for South Punjab, to infrastructure projects in urban areas. Thanks to this erroneous policy, the nearest Victoria hospital only had 30 beds in its ICU section and seven of their machines were out of order. The injured had to be airlifted to Multan as there was no burn unit present either. At present, only 209 beds are available for burn patients at four major state-run hospitals in Punjab. After all this, Shehbaz had the audacity to say that the last 70 years of corruption was one of the chief causes of the Bahawalpur tragedy. He conveniently forgot that out of the last 70 years, at least 30 years can be attributed to his family’s rule over Punjab. To add further insult to the injury, Rana Sanaullah, a senior Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) leader from Punjab, brazenly stated that it’s not possible to make a burn centre in every hospital in Punjab. He was apparently hinting towards lack of funds as the cause of deficient burn centres. The question is, then, how does the government have Rs300 billion for the unrequired Metro bus project, Rs70 million of public funds to build a bomb proof wall along the Jaati Umra agriculture state, and enough money to buy extremely expensive Russian helicopters for personal use, but no money for burn units? Moreover, the cheques handed out as compensation had allegedly bounced as well. This was denied by the officials, but we can never know with this government. What’s worse is that a meagre amount of Rs10 million was imposed on Shell by the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA). Shell even refused to accept responsibility for the incident, shifting the blame on the victims’ lack of awareness and the Motorway Police’s delayed response. A pattern of indifference can be detected where everyone seems to be shrugging off their responsibility and blaming the other party instead. Most people went as far to place the entire blame on the deceased victims, terming them as greedy. What a shame. It must be convenient to blame individuals who can’t speak for themselves anymore. A long history of the Sharif brothers’ oppression in South Punjab has led to disastrous incidents. In Lodhran, Shehbaz had committed fraud by being dishonest about the kissan (farmer) package which was rejected by the farmers union since it was a mere ploy to win the local elections. When these farmers protested, they were viciously beaten by police thugs upon the Sharifs’ directives. Furthermore, a few months ago in Layyah, a South Punjab district, 30 people died due to the absence of a stomach cleaning machine. Some would wonder whether placing the entire onus on the existing government is justified. I would say it is because currently, they are in charge and it is their duty to uphold and establish facilities for the betterment of their citizens, something which they haven’t been able to do so far. But why would the Sharif brothers, who themselves rush to London for medical check-ups, be concerned about the welfare of their citizens? If our leaders remain apathetic, we can expect more deaths if an incident like Bahawalpur occurs again. It’s all about priorities. And let’s not forget that the issue is not just about the incident itself; it is about what happened afterwards in the absence of basic facilities, a delayed response and a lack of security officials at the site. The least this government can do is learn a lesson from this ill-fated incident and rectify the aforementioned issues to pay homage to the victims of the Bahalwapur inferno.

I can see social media platforms and news channels debating over Imran Khan’s change of choice regarding caretaker chief minister for Punjab. The elections are near, and quite literally, the heat of it and the scorching sun can be felt. Let us take a step back and end the sudden “U-turn” debate that has taken the media and the people by storm. The system says that the chief minister and the opposition leader are both to mutually decide on the name of the ‘caretaker’, who shall be in charge for three months. Now, let us emphasise on the aspect that this conclusion has to be agreed upon from both sides, and unless signed or stamped, can be altered if any loopholes or conflicting scenarios arise. Coming back to the present tale, Nasir Khosa – a well-known name in the political world – was the name both parties agreed to. After a while, it came to be known that when Nawaz Sharif’s Panama case was going on, he was called in an attempt to talk things out with his brother, who is a Supreme Court judge. Things did not work out in Nawaz’s favour back then, so why should they work out in his favour now, considering that evidence, even if rumoured, has come into account? Moving forward, the media also reported that Khosa wanted a post at the World Bank, and was told by Shehbaz Sharif to hold his horses, as he’d be given an important post in the near future. Given the allegations and declarations being made, how is it not vital to reevaluate the decision of him being the caretaker? Imran did precisely that: keeping into thought everything mentioned above, he took his decision back, noting the fact that no statement had been signed and the agreement was merely verbal in nature. Now, some beings who were excited to have Khosa on board have lost their temper, commenting on Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI) decision to withdraw the name. The story is simple and the turn is right, but of course, with all decisions come consequences and individuals seeking such opportunities, as can be seen now. Let us take another example. In Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa,when the opposition had an issue with Imran meeting the nominated chief minister, the PTI chief agreed to disregard the current decision and take new names aboard, because well, what’s the issue in that? And now, if the same thing is happening in Punjab and PTI has agreed and accepted their calculations weren’t right, what’s wrong with disregarding Khosa’s name, I ask the opposition? Is it because Punjab is the real game?

We have finally bid adieu to the second decade of the 21^st century, a decade that saw the rise of conservatives and nationalist political figures such as incumbent US President Donald Trump, recently elected British Prime Minister Borris Johnson and Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi. Even in Pakistan, we voted in a prime minister who leans heavily towards nationalist principles. While India is facing a political turmoil as a result of Modi’s Hindutva-centric narrative, Pakistan is also facing a self-inflicted political deadlock due to the policies of the federation. The ruling party is busy trying to create an impression that all is well and that the current political system does not face any threat from the opposition. On paper, this would appear to be true, seeing as how both opposition parties, namely the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) are showing little to no interest in attempting to topple the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf  (PTI) led regime. However, Pakistan's deteriorating economy and sky-rocketing inflation will ultimately determine whether Prime Minister Imran Khan stays in power or crumbles under his and his team’s miserable performance. The fact that the Asian Development Bank has projected a 2.8% fiscal growth rate for Pakistan, the lowest across South Asia, exemplifies the tatters our economy is in. Political stability is one of the key ingredients needed to inculcate economic progress on the economic front. However, this is something that the PTI government has not been able to achieve nor understand, seeing as how it continues to target the opposition benches on the pretext of accountability which only serves to create chaos and uncertainty among the political ranks, thus resulting in political turmoil. Admittedly, during the last month, the PTI regime has tried to address the aforementioned issue by promulgating a presidential ordinance that curtails National Accountability Bureau’s (NAB) powers, but this ordinance is the result of a meeting between a few influential businessmen and the powers that be. Therefore, it is primarily focused on providing relief to businessmen, investors and members of the bureaucracy. So it would seem that the government is not budging on its policy to suppress the opposition. The fact that Wajid Zia, who headed the Panama Paper joint investigation team against former prime minister and PML-N founder Nawaz Sharif, has been appointed as the director general of the Federal Investigative Agency is further testament to the above. The months preceding the new year have not been kind to PTI. The army chief extension fiasco coupled with embarrassment on the diplomatic front after Pakistan’s withdrawal from the Kuala Lumpur summit have made life difficult for the ruling party. Maulana Fazlur Rehman also proved to be a constant thorn in the side of the PTI government, with antics like the Azadi March and the Islamabad sit-in. The resulting political instability from such instances could result in the winds of change taking effect quicker than anticipated, especially in the province of Balochistan. Differences within the ruling Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) are a clear indication that sooner or later, there will be some sort of change. To add fuel to the fire, two BAP members of the provincial assembly (MPAs) have also been de-seated by an election tribunal, making an already fledgling government even weaker. Plus, we all know who actually brings and topples the provincial government in Balochistan. The situation in the province of Punjab is also somewhat similar to that of Balochistan. Punjab has always been the main political battlefield because the corridors to power pass thorough it. Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi is very actively lobbying for the chief minister slot due to the present chief minister’s lackadaisical performance and the rift within PTI's Punjab wing. Shahbaz Sharif, in the absence of Maryam Nawaz the daughter of PML-N's founder, has also been mending fences with the establishment in the hope that the powers that be may have realised that their decision to back PTI was wrong. In the meantime, PPP is busy consolidating its provincial government in Sindh while also trying to maintain a working relationship with both the local and international establishments so that it can clinch power again. PPP Chairperson Bilawal Bhutto’s outspoken demeanour regarding human rights issues and gender equality issues gives his party an edge with respect to  progressive narratives. However, Bilawal has the baggage of Asif Ali Zardari, his father and co-chairperson of PPP, on his shoulders, which means that PPP will continue to be shadowed by allegations of corruption, impeding any attempts to revive PPP’s Punjab vote bank. In a nutshell, the upcoming year will challenge the resolve of PTI while the political acumen of Maryam and Bilawal will also be tested to the maximum. Therefore all parties will have to show a sizeable amount of political maturity in order to avert a constant state of political turmoil. The most potent threat to the PTI regime will remain its own lack of ability to govern the country. The common man’s back has been broken by high prices, enormous utility bills, a shrinking job market and a limited pay scale and so, it will be impossible for Imran’s government to survive another year on the basis of sloganeering and hollow promises. That being said, the prospects of the common man’s situation improving remain slim, but at the very least, they will learn more about the true nature of the current political system and its many flaws which should ideally inculcate additional political awareness amongst the masses. Finally, one hopes that the current political polarisation in the society and the age of traditional right wing conservative political parties coming to power based on aggressive rhetoric will come to an end in this new decade, not only in Pakistan but across the globe.

Within a fragile and deceptively undulating ‘democratic’ landscape, politics and politicians in Pakistan have consistently maintained a rather adversarial character. In fact, at any given point in the erratic democratic history of the country, all leading national political parties have shown their tenacious adherence to adversarial politics. Perhaps, this is the only kind of mainstream politicking that party leaders are capable of doing in Pakistan. What unraveled in the wake of COVID-19 crisis was no different, a severely adamant inability of the country’s political leadership to conduct consensual politics. Spain or Senegal, no matter how rich or poor the economy, presently each virus afflicted country has regarded the pandemic as a national or public health emergency, a situation that demands coordination and consensus among leading political institutions and personnel. Akin to national warfare, a state in an emergency subjugates its internal strife and gears all its resources against the enemy. This is the iron law of politics during outbreaks, a law that the centre in Islamabad is unable to abide by. Given the proliferation of positive cases at a breakneck speed, currently the centre has no enemy but the virus itself – a fact best recognised and actualised by the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). At this stage, besides a timely development of a medical infrastructure, what warrants recognition is PPP’s unwavering insistence on national and political unity. Lately, the crowning feature of party chairperson, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s politics has been the suspension of politics itself. From helming a “together we can” hashtag on his tweets to visiting his old political nemesis at Kot Lakhpat Jail, a gesture also well-lauded by Maryam Nawaz, the 31-year-old has successfully taken the lead in eliminating antagonism from the country’s political edifice, an approach praised by most Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) notables, such as Mushahidullah Khan. Unity of action amongst the country’s numerous political leaderships is not solely PPP’s normative philosophy, it is also a leading strategy and organisational tool to fight coronavirus in Pakistan. The holy grail of the PPP-PML-N block presents a unanimous policy against COVID-19 that should be implemented by concerned authorities within their individual constituencies. What then is hindering or perhaps provoking the consensual politics of the ‘opposition?’ Firstly, the PPP and PML-N political front should not be treated as the opposition. In case of an outbreak emergency, where the traditional parliamentary understanding of an opposition becomes slightly less relevant, an opposition is then the political group speaking against a popular intervention strategy. In the case of Pakistan, the majority, autonomous governments of Sindh and Punjab, as well as the PML-N, have ruled in favour of a lock-down. It is the incumbent government, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), that has now become a rock-ribbed opposition to the popular idea of a lockdown. This reflects the centre’s resolute subscription to the traditional politics of conflict. Secondly, for any progress on a lockdown strategy, the prime minister’s concerns do become key spoilers. Prime Minister Imran Khan and PTI officials have chosen to speak for the 25% of the population that lives below the poverty line. This is the primary consideration, a rather narrow spotlight, that impedes a political consensus on a complete lockdown. While the parliamentarian ‘Robin Hoods’ continue to oppose prompt, radical measures, correspondingly, the contagion virus continues to steepen the country’s alarmingly combustible trajectory. The question of the nation’s poor, as well as the economic costs of shutting down the country is an important one. It is also a question that has been answered repeatedly by numerous PPP and PML-N leaders and has fallen on either deaf ears or none at all – as seen in case of the Imran Khan’s questionable exit from a critical session with opposition leaders. Convened by Asad Qaiser, Speaker of the National Assembly, the online parliamentary session was less of a ‘session’ and more of a one-sided address, best suited for an introspective echo chamber rather than a conversation on a national emergency. The prime minister made his exit right after communicating his concerns and stance against a total lockdown. Shahbaz Sharif, leader of the opposition and Bilawal Bhutto, walked out in protest. The implication of such an antagonistic political climate is disastrously consequential. PML-N politician Khawaja Saad Rafique aptly warned against such petty politics and mainstream politicking amidst a crisis, calling it an immoral, inhuman act. His recommendation to the incumbent opposition – to continue striving for consensus – is an important one. Considering that the natural condition of Pakistani politics is to fall in the deathtrap of the politics of antagonism, it is of critical importance that the PPP-PML-N block successfully furnaces cohesion out of chaos. Sindh Minister for Education and Labour Saeed Ghani, did address the prime minister’s concerns, arguing that Pakistan will also have to bear a hefty but necessary economic cost to avoid a greater economic catastrophe. He highlighted the global economic condition that has taken a sharp downturn. How will the local economy thrive during a recession? This is an important question because unlike PTI’s politics, the national economy does not operate in a vacuum. Daily wage labourers, who constitute a large chunk of the country’s labour force, would be hit hard in a lockdown situation. Also, as estimated by the Asian Development Bank, Pakistan may incur a minimum loss of $5 billion due to the coronavirus. Although the prime minister’s rationale for opposing a lockdown is well-founded, it does seemingly spectate the crisis through a monochromatic, narrow vision. Lately, Imran Khan’s office and party notables have been communicating his call for political unity, but it seems to be a poor example of following a political fad – after all when in Rome, one does as the Romans do. At large, in keeping with his popular image, the premier’s recent conduct has revealed an unrelenting, unyielding attitude and Pakistan, at a critical junction of its COVID-19 trajectory, cannot afford this. Communication and flexibility are crucial to consensus politics.